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The Sudanese commander known as Hemedti, once earned his living dealing in livestock and precious metals. Currently, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces hold sway over a vast expanse of the Sudanese territory.

Seizing Power in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a significant triumph by overrunning the city of el-Fasher, which was the last remaining army garrison in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his adversaries, Hemedti is admired by his followers for his ruthlessness and his promise to tear down the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya section of the Rizeigat tribe, an Arabic-speaking group that spans Chad and Darfur.

Born around 1974, like many from rural areas, his exact birth details were never recorded.

Led by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his family moved to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, escaping war and in search of greener pastures.

Early Career

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti started making money by dealing in livestock across the Sahara to Libya and Egypt.

At that time, Darfur was a lawless frontier—poor, ignored by the regime of then-President Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjaweed attacked villages of the indigenous Fur, triggering a major uprising in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to spearhead his anti-rebel campaign. They quickly gained notoriety for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's unit was among them, implicated in attacking the village of Adwa in late 2004, killing over a hundred individuals, including dozens of minors.

A US investigation determined that the Janjaweed were guilty of genocide.

Calculated Moves

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti skillfully navigated his ascent to become leader of a influential militia, a business network, and a political machine.

At one point he rebelled, demanding back-pay for his soldiers, promotions, and a government role for his sibling. Bashir acceded to most of his demands.

Later, when rival militias mutinied, Hemedti commanded loyalist troops that crushed them, gaining control Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jebel Amir.

Quickly, his family company Al-Gunaid became Sudan's largest gold exporter.

Institutionalizing Influence

By 2013, Hemedti asked for and received formal status as commander of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, getting new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

Regional Ambitions

The RSF fought in Darfur, performed less successfully in the Nuba Mountains, and took on a contract to guard the border with Libya.

Ostensibly stopping illegal crossings, Hemedti's commanders also engaged in extortion and people-trafficking.

In 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE asked Sudanese troops for the war in Yemen. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide RSF mercenaries.

The Abu Dhabi connection proved highly significant, marking the start of a strong alliance with UAE officials.

Growing Power

Young Sudanese men flocked to RSF enlistment offices for signing bonuses of up to six thousand dollars.

Hemedti struck a partnership with the Russian Wagner organization, receiving training in exchange for commercial dealings, particularly in the gold trade.

His trip to Russia occurred on the day of the Ukraine war outbreak.

Turning on Allies

With rising demonstrations, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the city of Khartoum, nicknaming him "my protector".

It was a miscalculation. In 2019, when protesters demanded democracy, Bashir instructed troops to shoot. Instead, the generals overthrew him.

Initially, Hemedti was hailed as a fresh face for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but that lasted only weeks.

Renewed Brutality

When power wasn't transferred, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which committed massacres, raped women, and allegedly drowned men in the Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF engaged in war crimes.

Pressed by international powers, the military and civil leaders agreed to a compromise, leading to an unstable coexistence for two years.

Current Conflict

When a committee started looking into military-owned companies, Burhan and Hemedti dismissed the civilians and seized power.

But they fell out. Burhan demanded the RSF come under army command. Hemedti refused.

Last year, RSF units moved to surround strategic locations in Khartoum. The takeover effort failed, and violence broke out city-wide.

Violence exploded in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit people.

International organizations report thousands of casualties, with the American officials calling it ethnic cleansing.

Present Situation

The RSF has acquired modern weapons, including military drones, used to strike Burhan's stronghold and critical for the capture of el-Fasher.

With this weaponry, the RSF is in a deadlock with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has created a rival administration, the so-called unity government, taking the chairmanship.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of populated areas west of the Nile.

Following reports of atrocities, Hemedti announced a probe into abuses perpetrated by his fighters.

Many believe Hemedti sees himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to control the entire country.

It's also possible, he may emerge as a behind-the-scenes power broker, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

While Hemedti's troops commit violence in al-Fasher, he appears confident of impunity in a world that does not care.